What's in a name? When
we hear of a flute named after a person, what are we to assume?
Vancouver player and researcher Adrian Duncan teases out this question.
Introduction
We live in an age where the
flute as a concert instrument has become pretty much standardized
through the general adoption of the metal cylinder-bored Boehm flute in
the form to which it had been brought in the latter part of the
nineteenth century, primarily as a result of the efforts of the great
French makers such as Louis Lot. It is true that the old wooden
conical-bored 8-key model has made a strong come-back in recent years as
a result of the upsurge of interest in Celtic music. However, the fact
remains that the flutes in common use today are very much standardized
according to the use to which they are put.
This was far from being the case
in the mid nineteenth century. Although the Boehm flute as we know it
today had its genesis in 1847, both before and after that date numerous
experiments were tried and in some cases marketed with a view towards
resolving a range of perceived shortcomings of the flute as it then
existed. The range of competing designs then available was truly
daunting, and indeed this very situation appears to have resulted in a
sharp decrease in the general popularity of the flute at that time as
prospective musicians opted to study instruments which were more
standardized and hence less subject to overnight changes which might
require the purchase of a new instrument and/or the learning of a
completely new system of fingering.
Indeed, one of the chief
perceived shortcomings in the Boehm flute at the time of its
introduction and for many decades afterwards was the relative complexity
of its mechanism and associated fingering. The mechanism was based on
the open-key principle as opposed to the closed keys of the old flute
and was thus very different from that to which several generations of
flautists had by then become accustomed. The necessary wholesale change
of fingering was such as to require a player wishing to make the switch
to effectively re-learn the instrument from scratch.
Nonetheless, the new sound and
vastly improved intonation and uniformity of tone which resulted from
the use of the open keys, rationally-placed holes and metal cylinder
bore allied to Boehm’s tapered head joint (often rather loosely and
incorrectly called ”parabola”) was attractive to many players who would
have gladly adopted the new model but for the fingering. This built-in
sales impediment prevented the new model from achieving the overnight
success in sales terms which might be expected given its eventual
universal adoption. The process actually took many decades.
In the interim, there was
clearly a constituency of players who were quite prepared to adopt the
new bore, hole arrangement, open keys and tapered head joint, but not at
the expense of abandoning the old fingering. A number of flute designers
and manufacturers therefore attempted to devise models which retained
the old fingering or an approximation thereof while at the same time
capturing some or all of the acoustical advantages of the revised Boehm
design.
One such model was patented in
1851 by Richard Carte, who was admitted to the firm of Rudall & Rose as
a partner on the strength of his development of this model. The Carte
1851 Patent model restored many of the fingering options of the old
8-key flute while utilizing Boehm’s revised bore, hole arrangement, open
keys and tapered head joint. The most radical changes from the old
8-key flute were the provision of an “all-fingers-off” open d” (as
opposed to the otherwise universal c#), the use of an open key for g#
rather than the former closed key, the use of double thumb keys for the
left hand to govern c natural and b flat, and the manner in which the
“long f” key functioned – both R2 and R3 had to be “off” for it to
function, rather than just R3 as in the 8-key flute. But these changes
did not alter the fact that learning to play the Carte 1851 model was
far less of a stretch for an 8-key player than the switch to the Boehm
model.
Carte also developed an “old
fingered” model using the cylinder bore and tapered head joint but
retaining the old fingering throughout, thus requiring the retention of
the closed keys of the old system. This flute did enjoy some popularity
over a surprisingly long period of time (it was still being sold in the
1920’s, as proved by an example in our possession), but it was far less
successful in performance terms than the 1851, mainly due to the
inevitable venting difficulties associated with the closed keys. It did
at least have relative simplicity to recommend it – the 1851 was
notoriously finicky to set up and maintain, being even more mechanically
complex than the Boehm model.
Despite this drawback, the Carte
1851 model enjoyed considerable popularity, outselling the standard
Boehm model by a considerable margin for many years, in England at
least. Carte further updated the design in 1867, and this model too
enjoyed considerable favour, particularly in Britain, although it too
suffered from the ill effects of excessive mechanical complexity.
But demand for an “old-fingered”
version of the open-keyed cylinder bored flute continued unabated. A
particularly controversial and widely disliked feature of Carte’s
designs was the open d”, which many players avoided like the plague. The
open g# also did not sit well with old-system advocates.
This market niche was finally
satisfied in 1870 by the release of the Radcliff Model flute which is
the subject of this essay. This model was associated with the
celebrated English flautist John Radcliff, who continued to play and
endorse this model for many years thereafter, being joined by such other
luminaries as John Amadio and John Lemmone.
The Radcliff Model Flute
For the purpose of this
discussion, it is not necessary to go into the design of the Radcliff
flute in great detail. We intend to present further information on this
instrument elsewhere at the appropriate time.
For now, it is sufficient to say
that the Radcliff Model was, to all intents and purposes, a standard
Carte 1851 model with the open d” eliminated in favour of a return to
the former open c# of the old flute, and a closed g# key substituted for
the open key of the 1851. The slightly different functioning of the
“long f” key was retained in the Radcliff model, as were the double
thumb keys for b flat and c natural.
Body
of a Rudall Carte Radcliff Model flute, showing d and eb trill keys, and
dual thumb keys.
Note also the three duplicated keys, c (above Left thumb key), G# (above
the real G#
slightly right of centre) and F (above short F key at right).
To offset the loss of the open
d”, the standard closed d” trill key as used on the Boehm model was
reintroduced. In order to preserve the open-key system intact despite
the use of the closed g# key, a duplicate g# hole was incorporated which
remained open for notes higher than g# despite the g# key itself being
closed by its spring. There were also duplicate holes for c and f for
similar reasons. The instrument was thus fully vented. The bore, hole
sizes and head joint were identical to those used by Rudall Carte in
their contemporary Carte and Boehm models.
Closeup, showing left-hand F mechanism
The result was a fully-vented
cylinder-bored instrument having the tonality and intonation of the
Boehm cylinder flute (like the Carte 1851, in fact) but responding
almost completely to the old 8-key fingering, particularly in the first
two octaves, apart from the slightly different mode of operation of the
“long f” key and the double thumb keys for c natural and b flat. Our
own experience shows that a player of the 8-key flute (which we
ourselves are for the most part) has little or no difficulty mastering
these relatively slight differences. The familiar back-fingered c
natural is the most difficult issue for such a player to grapple with –
although the Radcliff model responds to the 8-key fingering of oxo ooo
or oxo xxx, the quality of the veiled note produced in this manner is
markedly inferior to that of its fully-vented companions, and the
difference in quality is far more obvious with the Radcliff model than
with the equivalent fingering on a conical-bored 8-key flute. In fact,
the back-fingered version of c natural does not appear in Radcliff’s own
published fingering chart for this model. Fingered in this manner, the
note is more or less restricted to a passing role in rapid passages
where there is no requirement to dwell upon it!
Apart from the deviations noted
above, anyone who can play on an 8-key flute can quickly get to grips
with the Radcliff. So this model was exactly what many players had been
waiting for; and if the original Boehm model of 1847 had been released
with this fingering it might well have taken off very quickly in terms
of sales. As it was, the Radcliff model had to compete with others such
as the Carte, Boehm and Rockstro models and was no runaway best seller,
although it did enjoy a steady sale for many years, slightly outselling
the Rockstro model and only succumbing along with all the others to the
all-conquering Boehm model in the 1920’s and thereafter.
Rudall Carte did not stop with
the Radcliff model. In 1907 they brought out a further development
called the Guards Model. This instrument has historically been presented
as a variant of the Carte 1867 Patent model, but it is far more
logically seen as a development of the Radcliff model. It was, to all
intents and purposes, a Radcliff flute with the right hand of the Carte
1867 model substituted for that of the old 1851 as used in the
Radcliff. This model also enjoyed some success, since it was relatively
easy for players of the old-fingered flute (including the Radcliff) to
learn and offered some additional facilities in the right hand. But it
too eventually succumbed to the rising Boehm tide.
So who was John Radcliff?
Good question, and one from
which the flautist, teacher and writer Richard S. Rockstro shied away
completely. In Rockstro’s monumental 1890 “Treatise on the
Flute”, neither Radcliff nor his flute receive so much as a single
mention by name, although others of lesser or at least no greater
accomplishment are mentioned freely. However, Radcliff’s profile was
such that it has been possible to learn a little about him from other
sources.
He was born in 1842 in
Liverpool, England, into a family of flute players – his father and
three elder brothers all played the instrument, albeit as amateurs.
Initially self-taught, young John displayed such a precocious talent at
an early age that his father soon arranged for him to have formal
lessons, which were so effective that he was able to make his public
concert debut in Birkenhead at the age of 12 years!
Obviously a talent like this had
to be nurtured, and, in 1857, at the age of 15, Radcliff was sent down
to London and enrolled at the Royal Academy of Music, where the eminent
Benjamin Wells had recently succeeded John Clinton as Professor of
Flute. So rapid was his progress that only a year later he was elected
as an Associate of the Royal Academy and embarked upon his professional
career. He later became associated with Trinity College, London, in
addition.
Up to his arrival in London,
Radcliff had apparently been playing an old-fingered wooden 8-key
flute. But once in London, he was reportedly introduced to the Boehm
model and quickly mastered the new fingering. Despite this, he appears
to have retained a hankering for the old fingering and indeed for the
sound of the old conical bore. But the advantages of the Boehm model in
terms of intonation and uniformity of tone were simply too great to be
set aside, at least as far as Radcliff was concerned. Accordingly, he
persevered with the Boehm instrument for the following dozen years or so
pending the introduction of the Radcliff Model flute in 1870. More of
that matter below.
From 1858 onwards, Radcliff was
widely viewed as the foremost flautist in England, being in constant
demand. By 1868 he had been retained by Michael (later Sir Michael)
Costa to replace the recently-deceased Robert Sidney Pratten as
principal flute at the Italian Opera at Covent Garden. Incidentally,
the appointment seems to suggest that by this time Radcliff had reverted
to a wooden conical-bored instrument of some kind, since Costa was a
die-hard opponent of the cylinder-bored Boehm flute and would not allow
that instrument in his orchestras for many years. Christopher Welch
tells us that Radcliff was still playing a conical-bored version of his
own model into the early 1880’s.
Radcliff remained with the
Italian Opera for years, and did not miss a single performance there
during the fifteen years following his initial appointment. When he
finally did so, it was as a result of a romance with the celebrated
singer Pauline Rita. Radcliff fell passionately in love with her, and
the two became engaged. But his lady love was forced to seek a warmer
climate for health reasons, and chose Australia as her haven. After an
18-month hiatus, the apparently love-sick Radcliff tired of waiting for
her return and, immediately after fulfilling a final engagement at the
Leeds Festival of 1883, he left for Australia himself, arriving in
Melbourne in December of 1883. He and Pauline were married there in the
next month.
The couple eventually returned
to England, where Radcliff resumed his interrupted career. He
accumulated an extraordinary collection of wind instruments from all
over the world, ranging from the most primitive examples right up to the
most modern instruments. At one point in his career he toured the
country giving a reportedly highly entertaining lecture entitled “From
Pan to Pinafore” in which he illustrated his remarks upon the
origins of various wind instruments by performing on examples from his
collection. Radcliff died in London in 1917 at the age of 75
years.
The genesis of the Radcliff Model flute
It has always been assumed by
previous writers that the concept of the Radcliff Model flute was
developed by Radcliff himself in the late 1860’s to address his
hankering for a return to the old fingering. But as we shall see, this
is by no means certain. The attachment of the name of a prominent
player to any new instrument would always have had value to a
manufacturer planning to bring out a new product, and the pages of flute
history are replete with examples of famous players who had their names
attached to minor design variants, presumably in the hope of attracting
customers to the products of the maker in question. Nicholson’s
Improved, Richardson’s Improved, Ribas’s Improved, Clinton’s Equisonant,
Pratten’s Perfected, Rockstro’s Model, Carte’s Patent, Card’s System,
the Briccialdi Model - the list leading up to Radcliff is a long and
distinguished one.
Now it is clear that by no means
all of the eminent players whose names were attached to specific design
variants had much to do with the actual development of those variants.
In the case of Radcliff, is there any evidence that he may not in
fact have been the inventor of the flute which is known to this day by
his name among flute historians?
Oddly enough, there is ……. as we
shall now see.
The case against Radcliff having designed the
Radcliff Model flute
As is so often the case with
respect to matters relating to the development of the flute in the
nineteenth century, we are forced to turn to the pages of the 1890 “Treatise
on the Flute” (the “Treatise”) by Richard S. Rockstro for
enlightenment on this topic. Rockstro has been shown to have been
hopelessly prejudiced and unreliable with respect to the work of
Theobald Boehm, and it appears that he was equally unreliable on many
other matters as well. We have already noted that he failed completely
to mention either Radcliff or the flute named for him, and this in a
work purporting to represent a comprehensive history of the nineteenth
century flute. However, lacking any evidence to the contrary, we
are forced to accept Rockstro’s untested words on other topics as true
until such time as new evidence may demonstrate that to do so is
unwarranted.
In the present instance, we must
turn to Article 663 of Rockstro’s “Treatise”, where we find a
generally accurate description of the Carte 1851 Patent flute. The
subsequent Article (erroneously numbered 644 instead of the correct 664)
includes the following statement, written or at least published in 1890:
“Mr.
Carte [Richard Carte of the firm
Rudall, Carte & Co.] informs me that soon after the invention of
this flute [the Carte 1851 Patent model, actually invented in
1850], he made for an old customer of the firm, Captain Harry Lee
Carter, an instrument similar to it, excepting that the g# key was
“closed”, and that the open d” key was omitted, the ordinary closed
shake key being added in its place. Thus altered, the flute
of 1851 is still made [in 1890, remember], though it is now
sold under a different title and is classed amongst the flutes with
the “old system” of fingering”
The flute of 1851
[which by Rockstro’s definition includes the
described variant which is reportedly still in production] may be
considered to have been entirely superseded by a far superior
invention of Mr. Carte’s, namely, the “1867 patent” which is
described and figured in Article 684”.
Well, well …….!! The above
description fits the Radcliff to a “tee”!! Even if it was not called
the Radcliff Model at the time (Radcliff was only 8 years old and still
living in complete obscurity in Liverpool when Carter’s flute was
made!), it is clear that this flute was to all intents and purposes
identical to the model which was later to be marketed starting in 1870
as the Radcliff Model. And it was still being sold in 1890 under a “different
title”….. the Radcliff Model, perhaps?!? Despite this, it had been “entirely
superseded” by the “far superior” Carte 1867 model, and
presumably other designs.
And that’s not all. When
writing in 1891 about the Carte 1851 design in his chapter in the
catalogue of musical instruments exhibited at the
1890 Royal Military Exhibition, Rockstro includes the following
comment:
“In this same year
[1850] a well-known amateur suggested a nearer approach to the
fingering of the old flute, and to this end he had an instrument
made with a “closed g# key” and without the open d” key, in place of
which he substituted the ordinary closed shake-key, but in other
respects the same as the 1851 flute. In this form the instrument is
still made, but it may be considered to have been superseded by the
[Carte’s Patent] flute of 1867, which is vastly superior to it.”
Well, here’s a turn-up for the
books!! The flute to which Rockstro refers can be none other than the
Radcliff Model, since the description fits exactly and the model was
certainly in production in the early 1890’s when Rockstro was writing.
No other model meets these criteria. And the “well-known
amateur” must then surely be Carter.
Now, here’s Rockstro carefully
avoiding any mention of Radcliff by name (recalling perhaps that
Radcliff was still very much alive and well and very much in the public
eye) but nonetheless very clearly stating that the Radcliff flute was
not developed in 1870 by Radcliff at all but rather in 1850 by the
elusive Captain Harry Lee Carter!! And also taking the opportunity to
denigrate the Radcliff Model by comparison with other contemporary
designs.
If Rockstro’s statements are
correct (and at this point we have no evidence to suggest that they are
not), then the inference is quite clear – Radcliff merely lent his name
to the new model and had nothing to do with its original inception.
Rockstro could have done us all a favour by just coming out and stating
the facts as he understood them. But for some reason, to be considered
further below, the mere mention of Radcliff’s name seems to have been
anathema to him...
What did Radcliff himself have to say on this
score?
Most frustratingly, Radcliff was
not a prolific writer on the subject of the flute. No text of his
famous lecture “From Pan to Pinafore” has apparently survived,
and the sole example of his writing specifically about the Radcliff
flute is the introduction to his updated 1873 edition of Nicholson’s “School
for the Flute”. But this text is highly significant in the context
of our present inquiry.
In explaining his decision to
update Nicholson’s old tutor, Radcliff speaks of
“having adopted a new Flute termed after my name
"Radcliff’s Model" “. Note that he does
not say “having invented a new Flute termed, etc.”
– he speaks only of adopting this instrument and notes
that it is termed after his name, not named for his
invention.
Further down the page, Radcliff
speaks of the “perfection” to which the “modern flute” has
now been brought, and says:”
“I have been
encouraged in the task I have undertaken — that of adapting the
admirable lessons of Mr. Nicholson to the Modern Flute under the
conviction that Mr. Nicholson himself would have been one of the
first (had he lived) to have adopted a Flute upon the new
principles, and to have adapted his book to it, as I have endeavored
to do”.
Once again, there is
no hint of the design of a new flute being part of Radcliff’s “task I
have undertaken” – that task is confined to the rescue from oblivion
of Nicholson’s tutor.
Finally, Radcliff
makes the following statement:
“The Flute to
which I have devoted this Book, will be found, as I have said, to
have a closer connection with the Old Nicholson Flute with eight
Keys, than any other of the Modern Flutes, at the same time that the
new principles of these as to perfection of tone and intonation are
carried out fully”.
Once again, despite
the obvious opportunity to do so, Radcliff stops well short of
designating the instrument as “the flute of my invention” or ”my
flute” – it is simply “the flute to which I have devoted this
book”.
Returning to
Rockstro’s write-up of the flutes at the 1890 Royal Military Exhibition,
we find the following description of a Radcliff Model flute which was
included in that Exhibition:
“122 –
Concert-flute of cocus-wood, with conoidal bore. By Rudall, Carte
and Co. “Radcliff Model”. This flute is thus described by Mr. John
Radcliff: - “The fingering is a near approach to the old system
(eight keyed) but it carries out the modern method of venting;
through the B and C shake being made by a separate lever, the C hole
can be opened when the first finger of the right hand is down. It
is contrived that the duplicate G# hole shall be closed in making
the top E natural, so as to prevent the breaking of that note. This
flute was first made in 1870” The woodcut on page 47 shows a silver
flute of this model”.
It is not clear where
the original quote from Radcliff is to be found – it does not appear
anywhere in the text of his revised edition of Nicholson’s tutor, and
Rockstro gives no reference. But if Rockstro is quoting Radcliff
correctly (and at present there is no evidence to suggest that he is not
doing so), then once again we find that Radcliff does not
claim to have invented this instrument. In particular, he uses the term
“it is contrived” rather than the term “I have contrived”
which would make far more sense if he was in fact the inventor.
[Aside - interesting
that Rockstro was prepared to name Radcliff in the write-up of the
flutes in this military exhibition, whereas he seems to have carefully
avoided any mention in his Treatise.]
If we assume (as we must in the
absence of evidence to the contrary) that Radcliff said what he meant to
say and was being honest in doing so, then it is quite clear that in
all of the above quotations he is intentionally side-stepping
any claim to having invented the flute which bore his name. Instead, he
is merely pointing out that he has adopted a model which is named for
him and has updated Nicholson’s tutor, which was written for the
old-fingered flute and was thus well adapted to the Radcliff model. He
is also describing certain features of this flute in an objective
manner. There is nothing in this which in any way contradicts our
hypothesis that Radcliff may not have actually invented that model.
Captain Carter’s claim as advanced by Rockstro remains unchallenged as
far as Radcliff is concerned!
So who was Captain
Harry Lee Carter anyway??
It would seem from Rockstro's
mention that Captain Harry Lee Carter was just another well-known (and
presumably well-heeled) amateur flautist who had been in the habit of
buying flutes from Rudall & Rose from time to time and could afford to
indulge in having his own minor design variants actually realized by the
firm. It is certain that Carter was not alone in this – Rockstro refers
elsewhere to the many prototype designs which Rudall & Rose made at
around this time for various hopeful designers.
But we know a little more about
Captain Carter than this. During the 1840’s the amateur flautist
Abel Siccama invented and patented his
“Diatonic” model flute, which applied a variant of Boehm’s rational hole
arrangement to the old conical bore using a simple mechanism which
preserved the old fingering completely. In order to promote this model,
Siccama collected testimonials from a large number of satisfied users of
his new model. These testimonials were published in a
promotional pamphlet probably assembled to
support Siccama’s display at the 1851 Exhibition in London.
One of the satisfied customers
quoted by Siccama is none other that our friend Captain Carter!! His
contribution reads as follows:
Testimonial
of Captain Harry Lee Carter
Sir - you ask my opinion of your Diatonic Flute.
Here it is. I consider it to be the only perfect instrument in tone
or tune that I have yet heard or played upon. It was most strongly
recommended to me by Mr. Richardson
[who had adopted it in 1848], and I am quite convinced it is well
worthy of his adoption. Your recent improvement, whereby one can
produce as firm and true a C natural as with the C key, has supplied
the only want I could discover in your invention. My friends who
have lately heard me play, have talked a good deal more about the
Flute than the performer, and as I am quite sure it possesses more
merit, I don't trouble myself much on this score. If you really
wish to publish this opinion, I have no objection to your doing so.
(signed) Harry Lee Carter.
This tells us quite a lot!
First, the said Captain Carter was a pupil of, or at least an
acquaintance of, the eminent flautist and teacher Joseph Richardson. So
he was presumably a relatively enthusiastic and competent player. Not
only that, but he was not a died-in-the-wool Rudall & Rose
man, as implied by Carte, but was prepared to take his custom elsewhere
for the right product.
At this point we begin to see
beyond Rockstro’s terse comments. The probable scenario goes something
like this...
Carter is
presumably a long-time player of the old flute who has been
taking lessons with the likes of Richardson (giving him some
credibility), and has been buying his flutes from Rudall &
Rose over the years. He has probably tried their 1843
version of the 1832 Boehm (presumably with closed g#) and
immediately appreciated the improved regulation and
intonation, but is not prepared to deal with the fingering
changes. And neither is he satisfied with the relative
lack of power compared to his old large-hole Rudall & Rose
8-key. Nonetheless, his old flute no longer satisfies him
either because of its intonation and regulation problems.
Poor old Harry is in a bind – he’s seen the Promised Land
through the eyes of Boehm, and there is no longer any
particular flute that makes him completely happy!!
But salvation
is at hand!! Along comes Siccama in 1846, and his Diatonic
flute immediately meets Carter’s (and Richardson’s) approval
– it retains the old fingering and the powerful sound that
he is used to, but also offers much improved intonation and
regulation. So he buys one and plays it happily for a while,
offering Siccama the above testimonial in a totally sincere
spirit. However, Siccama is making no further moves, so
Carter stays in touch with his former mates at Rudall &
Rose, just in case they come up with anything better. Their
new 1847 Boehm cylinder model fails to impress – his Siccama
still has more power and, in any case, the impediment of the
Boehm fingering is unaltered. Perhaps he is even one of
those who convinces Richard Carte that if Rudall & Rose want
him back as a customer then they have to come up with
something new.
Carter stays
in touch and follows Carte’s efforts to come up with
something more to his liking. Finally, in 1850, the
prototype of the new 1851 Patent flute is ready. But
although it is far closer to the old fingering, there are
still things about it that Carter doesn’t like – the open g#
and the all-fingers-off d” being the major culprits. He can
live with the double thumb keys and the different management
of “long f”, but apart from that he’s simply not
prepared to compromise with respect to the old fingering –
end of discussion!! So he tells Carte that if he could make
one of his new flutes with the two offending items
rectified, then and only then he’ll buy one. Carte agrees,
mainly to reclaim a former regular customer, and the rest
goes as per Rockstro’s account. |
(It is worth noting at this
point that Rockstro does not say that Carter’s flute was a
cylinder-bore model. The Carte 1851 came in both bores, and Carter may
well have stuck with the conical bore. And we know from the comments
made by Rockstro in relation to the 1890 Military Exhibition that Rudall,
Carte & Co. made at least a few conical-bored Radcliff Models, since
such a flute was exhibited in 1890 and Radcliff himself (according to
Christopher Welch) apparently played one up to the early 1880’s. )
So how did the Radcliff Model come about?
Well, none of what follows can
be proved, not at this point at least. But the following
scenario hangs together as far as we’re concerned.
It seems probable that, after
making the modified 1851 for Carter in 1850 as described above, Carte
returned to the promotion of his patented designs and the expansion of
the business in which he was now a full partner. But as we have noted
at the outset, a strong demand continued for an old-fingered flute
incorporating the updated acoustical ideas of Boehm. Carte may from
time to time have recalled the one-off model made for Carter, and may
even have made one or two more for friends and acquaintances of
Carter’s. But the idea of putting the modified design into series
production did not take shape until 1870, as mentioned earlier, nor did
Radcliff’s name become associated with the design prior to that year.
What could have impelled Carte
to decide to add this design to the product line of his company fully 20
years after its inception? The most probable explanation seems to us to
be that, in the late 1860’s, Radcliff had somehow become familiar with
the design through an encounter with Carter or his flute. He may have
borrowed it or even purchased it either from Carter or from whoever had
bought it from Carter. Regardless, he must have been impressed and may
well have gone off to see Carte and ask him to make another like it so
that Radcliff could adopt it thenceforth for his own playing.
Now, the amateur Harry Carter
coming to Carte for a one-off custom flute would have been one thing –
but here was England’s no.1 flute poster boy announcing his intention to
adopt this variant just as soon as Carte could make one for him! Carte’s
well-developed business nerve-endings must have started twitching
immediately!! If the public saw and heard Radcliff playing one of these
models, then surely sales would follow?!? And after all, it was for the
most part a Carte design anyway…...
So Carte made a deal with
Radcliff. He would manufacture the model with Radcliff’s name attached
to it, thus giving it a highly positive sales spin, and Radcliff would
use it and publicly endorse it, thus promoting its sale to the public.
In return, Radcliff got his new flute for free and/or perhaps received
a small royalty for each flute sold. The fact that Rudall, Carte & Co.
established a quite separate and independent serial numbering system for
their Radcliff models seems to support the latter notion since it would
make the book-keeping and auditing far easier.
Carte thus got the chance to
market a new model for which there was an undoubted market niche, and
with the name and active endorsement of England’s current premier
flautist attached to it for good measure. The release by Radcliff of
his updated version of Nicholson’s tutor in 1873, a project specifically
aimed at assisting aspiring players of the Radcliff model, would have
helped to boost sales also. For his part, Radcliff got the prestige of
having “his” own flute design on the market as well as having an
instrument to play which met his yearnings for a return to the old
fingering (and initially, to the conical bore). He also got to sell a
few flute tutors, and maybe score some useful income in return for
naming rights.
Not the only such case
A further point of confirmation
of the credibility of this scenario is to be found in the genesis of the
Guards Model. As we have previously stated, that model was in effect a
Radcliff Model with the right hand of the Carte 1867 Patent flute
grafted onto it in place of the right hand of the Carte 1851 Patent
model as had been used on the Radcliff. The left hand and the foot joint
are identical in both models. The Guards Model was introduced in 1907 as
an official product of Rudall, Carte & Co.
However, we have irrefutable
evidence, both from the surviving company ledgers and in the form of at
least one surviving instrument, that this model too was made to special
order in very small numbers well in advance of its official
introduction. The Duncan collection includes just such a flute, which
was made in 1886 at the request of an individual customer. This was 21
years before the formal introduction of the Guards Model as a catalogued
product of the company. It would appear that the Guards Model had a
similar genesis to that of the Radcliff as a one-off design variant made
to special order many years prior to its formal introduction. This seems
to confirm the credibility of our case from the standpoint of the
business practices of Rudall, Carte & Co.
Rockstro's last word
In closing this section of our
study of this issue, we must return once more to Rockstro’s above-quoted
description of the Radcliff Model flute exhibited at the 1890 Royal
Military Exhibition. Note that Radcliff himself is quoted by Rockstro
as saying that “This flute was first made
in 1870”.
Now at first sight, this might
be taken to indicate that the design originated in 1870
and that Radcliff was therefore quite possibly its true originator. If
that were the case, then Rockstro’s comments about Carte and Carter in
1850 would have had to be outright lies told for the sole purpose of
discrediting Radcliff. But if that were the case, why invent such a
convoluted tale, complete with references by name to individuals who
undoubtedly existed and enjoyed some prominence in flute-playing
circles? And more cogently, why in that case did Rockstro himself
publish Radcliff’s comment?? If he had not done so, we would not even
know of its existence! It would be highly uncharacteristic of Rockstro,
who in other respects showed himself to be quite willing to suppress
evidence which did not support his own opinions, to publish anything
which might in any way contradict any of his own writings. Clearly,
Rockstro himself saw nothing contradictory in the published comment by
Radcliff.
It seems quite clear to the
present authors (as it appears to have been to Rockstro) that what
Radcliff meant by “this flute” was the Radcliff Model by
that name, and it is noteworthy that he was careful to use the
term “made in 1870” rather than “designed in 1870”. If we
assume (as we are doing throughout) that the words mean what they say,
then the comment as worded in no way constitutes a claim that the
Radcliff Model was designed in 1870.
It actually appears that
Radcliff’s comment was intended to convey the information that the
Radcliff Model flute first appeared as a commercial offering under that
name in 1870. This is of course perfectly true. If Radcliff had said “the
Radcliff Model was first made commercially in 1870”, there would be
no ambiguity at all. It seems almost certain that this is all that he
intended to convey. Thus, in our view Radcliff’s comment does not
constitute a legitimate challenge to the veracity of Rockstro’s comments
regarding the Carter flute.
Why did Rockstro have it in for Radcliff??
Now that we are clear on the
story as presented by Rockstro and are ready to accept it on a
provisional basis pending further information coming to light, the
question remains – why was Rockstro so anxious to avoid any mention of
Radcliff by name in his “Treatise” despite wishing to tell the
true story (according to Rockstro) of the genesis of the Radcliff Model
flute and to denigrate that model by comparison with others?? Wouldn’t
it have been far simpler and less convoluted to just tell the story in
an open and straightforward manner??
The most likely reasons for
Rockstro’s failure to do so are two-fold – professional jealousy and
commercial competition. At the tender age of only 15 years the upstart
Radcliff had burst onto the London scene from “the provinces” in 1857
and almost immediately assumed a leading position among the elite flute
players then present in London, including Benjamin Wells, Oluf Svendsen,
Robert Sidney Pratten, Edward Card, Joseph Richardson and the like. By
contrast, Rockstro (then 31 years old) had lived in or near London all
his life and had exerted every effort to move from the musical fringes
into that elite circle, apparently with very little success – his name
does not appear as a member of any of the prestigious orchestras or
opera companies active in the capital during his lifetime. Basically,
Rockstro seems to have spent his working life playing in minor
provincial or municipal orchestras and giving lessons. The sight of
young Radcliff moving so effortlessly to centre stage in the highly
competitive London musical scene cannot have been easy for Rockstro to
accept, and a legacy of professional jealousy seems entirely logical, if
not necessarily commendable.
In addition, when the Radcliff
Model was introduced in 1870, it represented direct commercial
competition to Rockstro’s Model which he was then in the process of
finalizing. It was formally introduced in 1877 although earlier
variants had been sold intermittently for some years previously -
another example of formal introduction lagging behind actual
availability. The sight of Radcliff receiving the credit for a flute
design with which he had had nothing to do apart from his enthusiastic
adoption of it, on top of Radcliff’s meteoric rise to public acclaim,
may well have galled Rockstro beyond endurance. And the new flute
represented very real commercial competition for Rockstro’s own evolving
model.
So we may understand (but not
necessarily approve) the notion that, in a commercial sense, Rockstro
would have wished to use his “Treatise” as an opportunity to
denigrate the Radcliff model by comparison with other designs such as
his own (which was basically a slightly tweaked Boehm model). But he
wished to do so without mentioning Radcliff by name, since mentioning
the Radcliff Model even in a negative context would represent free
publicity for Radcliff and would imply a level of credit for the design
to which Rockstro clearly felt Radcliff was not entitled. In addition,
Radcliff was still very much alive and well and before the public eye at
the time and thus well able to defend himself against any direct attack
by Rockstro (unlike Rockstro’s other victims such as Boehm, Clinton,
Siccama and the like who were all safely dead when Rockstro publicly
attacked them).
So Rockstro chose to tell the
tale in a manner which did not specifically mention Radcliff but
nevertheless made the point for those who read the relevant passages
with any attention. It must be said that if Rockstro’s aim was to
damage Radcliff and his commercial interest in the Radcliff Model flute,
then he failed signally to achieve his aims. The Radcliff Model flute
slightly outsold the Rockstro Model, and Radcliff’s name and reputation
doubtless had a lot to do with that. And until now, 100 years after
Rockstro’s death, no-one appears to have taken his hints regarding the
origins of the Radcliff Model flute. Even now that the truth appears to
have emerged, Radcliff’s memory remains unsullied, at least in the
opinion of the present authors – he never claimed more than his due, as
we hope that we have shown.
Conclusion
We submit that, as matters
stand, the evidence is very strong that Radcliff did not
design the Radcliff Model flute in the late 1860’s, as has previously
been assumed, but that it had in fact been conceived back in 1850, some
20 years prior to its official release, by the amateur Captain Harry Lee
Carter in consultation with Richard Carte. The actual manner in which
the model moved in 20 years from a one-off customer special to a series
production model is less clear, but there are a number of entirely
plausible sequences of events which could explain this. We have
presented one such scenario above, and there are others which come to
mind. And the evolution of the Guards Model provides a parallel
development path which is well confirmed by irrefutable hard evidence.
In closing, we hear some of our
readers saying “So what!?!” To a certain extent, we agree with that
sentiment – at this point, it really doesn’t matter whether Carter or
Radcliff designed the thing, and Rockstro’s apparent attempt to
discredit Radcliff appears totally irrelevant, whether or not his tale
is true. But what does matter is the timing of events. If
we are to understand the inter-relationships and influences which the
various flute designs and designers exerted upon one another during this
very convoluted period in flute history, then it is essential that we
sort the designs into their correct chronological sequence. In that
context, recognizing that a design which has hitherto been dated to 1870
may actually have been conceived and first realized in 1850 is a
significant step forward.
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